It should be pointed out that although masculinity perceptions among men who identify as white and heterosexual may be similar in some contextual levels (e.g., being dominant), they may also differ at other levels. Consequently, when a man’s male role is under threat, active, aggressive actions may be expected as a means to restore their manhood to spectators (Bosson et al., 2009 Morgenroth & Ryan, 2020). Further, the status of a “real man” is hard to attain in most cultures, and once achieved has to be constantly protected through active demonstrations and avoidance of any masculinity-threatening behaviors (Bosson, Vandello, Burnaford, Weaver, & Wasti, 2009 Bosson, Weaver, Caswell, & Burnaford 2012 Gilmore, 1990). Globally, cultural perceptions around the idea of a white manhood converge to a prototypical strong, dominant, masculine, cisgender, heterosexual, male character (Bosson & Vandello, 2011 Morgenroth & Ryan, 2020). These norms have been defined for men as any behavior or experience that reinforces a man’s status as a “real man” (Bosson et al., 2011). Trying to explain this, researchers have suggested that the high incidence of young, cisgender, straight men as anti-LGBT aggressors may reflect men’s strategy to defend and preserve gender norms or the gender/sex binary (Bosson, Weaver, Caswell & Burnaford, 2011 Glick, Gangl, Gibb, Klumpner, & Weinberg, 2007 Morgenroth & Ryan, 2020 Parrott, 2009 Talley & Bettencourt, 2008). In fact, in the last 4 years (2015–2019), the United Kingdom has shown a significant increase in the prevalence of hate crime toward these minority groups, with crime reports on the grounds of sexuality and gender identity rising by 27% and 45%, respectively (National LGBT Survey, Summary Report, 2019).Īlthough anyone can potentially commit a hate crime against a sexual or gender minority (Williams & Tregidga, 2013), most studies concur that perpetrators of these crimes are usually, young, cisgender (those individuals who were classified as men when they were born, and whose gender identity matches that classification), heterosexual, White men (Chakraborti, Garland, & Hardy, 2014 Iganski, Smith, Dixon, & Bargen, 2011 Tebbe, Moradi, & Ege, 2014 Williams & Tregidga, 2013). These results suggest a strategy to compensate for gender norm violations to reestablish men’s masculinity.ĭespite meaningful improvements on legislation for LGBT rights across the world, equal marriage in more than 21 countries, and public policy tackling discrimination and bullying against sexual and gender minorities (Bachmann & Gooch, 2018), prejudice against the LGBT community remains a serious and pervasive problem. As expected, participants in the transgender condition reported less positive attitudes toward gay men, an effect mediated by increased support for traditional gender norms, and only present when the participants had rated the women as highly attractive. All participants then reported their support for traditional gender norms and attitudes toward gay men. Other participants were not offered this information, leaving them to assume the models were cisgender. Half the participants were informed (accurately) that the models were transgender women (transgender condition).
Photographs of female models were shown to cisgender, heterosexual men ( N = 135, M age ± S.D. = 28.12 ± 8.81) who rated their attractiveness.
This study investigated the effects of one such norm violation-attraction to transgender women-on adherence to gender roles and attitudes toward gay men. No research to date has investigated whether similar effects occur after experiencing sexuality-based gender norm violations of the self. Cisgender, heterosexual men’s adherence to gender norms and prejudice against sexual minorities increases after observing sexuality-based gender norm violations of others (i.e., non-normative sexual attractions).